Elecciones, alternancia y democracia. España-México, una reflexión comparativa (Spanish Edition)

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For Ingrid Van Biezen these patterns correspond not only to the organization of parties but especially to their type of foundation: institutional or social; being more institutional, parties tend to maximize their votes in order to obtain seats in parliament or to maintain in government; being socially rooted parties consolidate by means of their programmatic appeals and social cleavages. In the next sections we analyse the role of Portuguese and Brazilian parties during transition and consolidation processes, knowing that the previous authoritarian regimes and the end of mass parties had an impact on both periods.

Portuguese and Brazilian parties: historical and organizational patterns Party traditions is, of course, a resource of party system consolidation. In Portugal parties cease to exist during the Estado Novo because in the First Republic they parties provoked governmental instability and were organized by clientelist other than ideological ties. During dictatorship parties did not have a prominent role in transition and most of them were created after the military coup of JALALI, However, the history of Brazilian parties and party systems does not indicate a strong tradition of loyalties or consolidation.

Both cases show that parties present weak social roots and are more preoccupied in obtaining power and seats in parliament. Also in Brazil, although the high rates of party system fragmentation, local and national leaders gained prominence through media; that was clear in the election of President Fernando Collor de Mello in , a candidate without the support of big parties with local roots. In the Portuguese case that is totally clear. During that time oppositionist movements were neither organized nor consolidated, which promoted the fragmentation of political parties. Parties were founded in this set and soon they appeal to a leftist programmatic socialization.

The Brazilian transition was negotiated due to a deep economic crisis. Along with this factor, the Brazilian party system soon appeared fragmented and with high electoral volatility. With a territory divided by federalism, a lot of parties do not participate in national elections and the parties which do it are sometimes highly dependent on candidates. For all these reasons the PMDB achieved a status of almost dominating party in federal and local elections, but without electing a President.

This status allowed the PMDB to form coalitions with other parties that need its support in national elections, which confirms its catch-all nature. Thus, this strategy grants its clienteles to survive. That is why we will argue that PSDB and PT had become true centrist parties with a social-democratic appeal, by socializing the electorate through social policies.

The same seemed to happen in Portugal since In the next two sections we will examine the process of party consolidation, the equilibrium of party competition MAIR, and their catch-all formation and organization. Parties during transition: transitional behaviours or forever catch-all parties? In Party System Change , Peter Mair argues that party systems consolidate only when we encounter a specific equilibrium between parties. This equilibrium happens when it is known the main dimension of competition, i. Through this phenomenon parties consolidate their electorate support. Before consolidation takes place, parties organize themselves in order to contradict high electoral volatility; ideological, religious or regional cleavages are very important and so, most of transitional parties are mass parties.

For the Portuguese case, Carlos Jalali argues that the party system did not need mass parties to consolidate. This means that cleavages were solved between and and that the main dimension of competition was consolidated in the first democratic elections. The results of the first two general elections tables 3. As we have seen in the first chapter, coalitions had an important weight during the first cabinets and, especially, during economic recovery.

Branco 1. Tables 5. In some cases the correlation is identical between districts of the same region. Castelo Vila Real Braga 1. Castelo 1. Castelo Aveiro 1. Conversely, Brazilian parties structured themselves in a very different transition environment.

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Not only because of its complex electoral system but also because of its federalism, Brazil seems to confirm the impact of political instability during transition in parties. During the last three decades specialists had different perspectives about the Brazilian negotiated transition. Some consider that the nature of a negotiated transition only guaranteed the permanence of traditional phenomena in Brazilian politics such as clientelism, corruption and parties with weak programmatic or ideological appeal.

Others argue that in the transition process parties become volatile with clientelist or personalist structures, rather than weak programmatic or ideological appeal. Ludolfo Paramio considered that the legalization of oppositionist movements in the transition process created a sort of ideological volatility.

However, in the last years political scientists had changed their views on the Brazilian transition. Factors as the lack of party consolidation or a multiparty and fragmented party system are not anymore viewed as obstacles for democratization. In fact they are considered as natural elements of the Brazilian democracy. The importance of coalitions can be seen in the analysis of the electoral results. Both parties have strong local roots and so, they become important executive coalition parties. This is a good indicator for public policy consolidation because it guarantees more independence for party-governments.

The PSDB steady deviation for the period shows that the participation in government is a good way for parties to consolidate their electorate in the legislative elections. Tables 8 and 9 clearly show that strong candidates are supported by coalitions. Deviation PMDB For Lula da Silva and Fernando Henrique Cardoso, national and local elections played a very important role. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, former minister of economy, won the elections with the success of Plano Real, implemented in but also with the help of former President Itamar Franco in Minas Gerais and the PFL electorate in the north-eastern states.

The background and performance of candidates is important but support from state and local parties is vital. In the Presidential elections table 9 , the three main candidates — Ciro Gomes, Lula da Silva and Fernando Henrique Cardoso — were once again supported by coalitions. Between and Presidential elections show a regional pattern on the distribution of votes by candidate. Election results and regional cleavages suffer with the weight of party coalitions. In fact, state and regional cleavages present us a clear pattern between the and Presidential elections JACOB et al.

This is true when we look to the support of Governors to cabinets. With the weight of party coalitions for the consolidation of public policies, Governors appear as important characters not only as a way of winning party support but also because each state has its own local notables and bosses. During the period, party state leaderships emerged as another important factor in consolidation. Either as prominent leaders who support candidates and policies that contradicts their parties — as in the case of PMDB -, or as traditional coalition leaders — as in PFL - local party leaders have a lot of flexibility and so national parties are highlydependent on local mobilization.

This reinforces the fact that Brazilian parties are heavily dependent on personalist candidates that do not create party roots or try to mobilize voters by party means. However and even though PT evolved itself as a mass party, most parties in Brazil consolidate through catch-all strategies during transition. In fact this catch-all strategy meant for PT to change its own party into a true national party with newly alliances and ideological adjustments.

Next we will see how Lula and PT evolved into a centrist catch-all party with social-democratic appealing and how this reality helped the party to win the Presidential elections of and obtain a good result in national elections. In the next two sections we will argue that contrary to Peter Mair, competition structures were maintained almost intact in Portugal and Brazil due to catch-all parties that are dependable on a centrist, social-democratic electorate by using social policies as a way to socialize the party system.

Social and regional cleavages were frozen and electoral volatility begun to decrease. By participating in government, the main parties adjust their programmatic appeal to socialize the electorate. Parties lose their interest in coalitions by maximizing votes and by institutionalizing themselves. From the weight of votes on centrist parties grew graph 1. The three consecutive PSD governments played a very important role on the stabilization of the political system, parties and electorate, and reinforced the main source of competition.

This competition pattern reveals a low degree of innovation in the formation of cabinets and closes electoral possibilities to voters JALALI, This freezing is confirmed by three main phenomena: 1 Regional cleavages were solved by undefined ideological positions; 2 Foundation and strengthening of catch-all parties since transition;. With undefined ideological positions, the Portuguese transition was made by catch-all parties with a more institutional role which allowed parties to participate in 64,3 59 63,4 68,6 77,3 79,7 77,8 76,3 78 73,8 25 32,2 30,6 25,3 16,5 14,9 17,7 19,9 18,5 21,2 Graph 1 Distribution of centrist and extreme votes in Portuguese legislative elections, Centrist Extreme Centrist vote average In this sense, the Portuguese parties are supported by a marais style of electorate that votes according to short-term volition.

With short-term choices, parties are also divorced from their social component. Ingrid Van Biezen , argues that Portuguese parties ended up choosing an institutional way of consolidation rather than a social one. Political parties in Portugal preferred a catch-all type of organization and socialization, which made them highly-dependable on public funds. This is confirmed with the monopoly of parties in legislative elections and the resilience over the years to change the electoral system; with the actual system, parties choose their own electives while citizens only vote for parties; this promotes a gap between citizens and MPs TEIXEIRA, The nomination of candidates is still a closed and secret process that depends a lot on clientelism and patronage.

The same happens with the monopoly of parties and governments in the nomination of people for public administration, public institutes, foundations and public enterprises; nominations that served well the purpose to maintain themselves in power, especially when parties need the State to survive. Parties are elected to Parliament and then the majority party chooses its leader, which then forms its own cabinet.

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This process is probably the main factor that concurs to the Portuguese mistrust on parties and Parliament. In the last years, corruption and clientelism between parties, the State and public or private enterprises has deepened the mistrust on how parties can administer public affairs. However, the electorate does not have much choice, especially due to the fact that the party system is frozen. Both PS and PSD appeal to social policies that, in a country with structural socioeconomic problems like Portugal, represent the monopoly of important votes.

Besides this, other small parties have been using catch-all strategies of mobilization by appealing to short-term social policies. The alternation between PS and PSD and the freezing of the main source of competition is visible in the evolution of the Portuguese electoral volatility graph 2. Between and volatility reaches low values when PSD wins both and general elections. Volatility changes between and In and volatility levels grew because of the alternation between PSD and PS This alternation is also conditioned by votes of discontentment that are mainly canalized in moments of political and economical crisis to the main oppositionist party.

This confirms the importance of centrist programmatic appeal in the Portuguese case. For the two first periods the discontentment vote is shared between PS and PSD, which has been traditional in the party system since ; the party-government loses elections when it also loses the centrist vote. The elections happened in the middle of political controversies and economical problems that faced social policies.

So, even the discontentment vote in times of crisis is canalized to parties that use short-term programmatic appeals, rather than longterm and orthodox policies. The lack of electoral alternatives is visible in the last national perception studies about democracy in Portugal. According to these results, the Portuguese electorate mistrusts not only the political system but also the institutions, and that the socioeconomic dimension is the most important factor of democratic socialization in Portugal. This type of socialization is due to the fact that Portugal had a history of poverty and social problems, and also because since transition parties had appeal to social-democratic policies.

It is clear that parties had a very important role on the Portuguese democratization. They stood against extremist revolutionary movements and they started the modernization of the country through socioeconomic policies. But the fact that parties needed to appeal for centrist and social-democratic programs to impede revolutionary movements to. The socialization of the electorate is a clear sign of this; with the use of short-term appeals, parties depend on a marais type of electorate, rather than cleavages. In the last chapter we will see how party system consolidation in Portugal was highly-dependable on electoral promises related to the welfare state.

These parties had an important role on the formation of coalitions because of their national and state voting appeal. The Brazilian executive is highly-dependable on coalitions to form cabinets and to approve policies. The Presidential elections were very competitive. Presidential candidate since , Lula da Silva was, then, a veteran who gradually won a space on the centrist voting. As we have said previously, Lula did not change his geographical vote between and After the collapse of the cold war, mass parties in Brazil lost their voting appeal and so, in order to survive, PT had.

As we have discussed before, the Brazilian party system was essentially build upon coalitions that changed from election to election. In the pattern repeats itself with parties from different programmatic appeals supporting different candidates; this happens because coalitions, 1 strengthen the personalist character of Presidential elections; 2 allow parties to get access to government by nominating ministers; The electoral strengthening of PT shows the alteration of his internal structure.

Since that Lula reinforced his regional electorate. This electoral behaviour refers a certain party consolidation as well as the growing importance of coalitions. Brazil still has a high electoral volatility which possibly indicates that the party system is not yet consolidated. However, during transition the Brazilian party system had four important parties that monopolized state and national elections, and somewhat fixed the electorate through programmatic appeals or local bosses. The Brazilian party system depends a lot on the complex electoral system that allows party migration and partyrootless candidates to run, which then poses a problem to specialists who only use electoral volatility to explain the Brazilian consolidation.

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Electoral volatility in Brazil is highly-dependable on personalist candidates, but nevertheless four parties had concentrated the vote monopoly in national and local elections. It seems, then, that the high electoral volatility only confirms Brazil as a consensual democracy with a very competitive multipartism. Table 15 shows us that the main component of competition has been consolidated in two elections - Chamber of Deputies and Presidential. In tables While PFL and PMDB present a higher variation for all period in analysis which confirms their consolidation as coalition partners, both PT and PSDB have a lower variation between and which confirms their consolidation as party-government.

After being on power the PT shows a higher mean of seats between and table 7 ; while PSDB consolidated its Parliamentarian side. Mass parties were strong in Brazil during the Third Republic when industrialization and populist governments and policies were fashion. This mass party Mean Std. Deviation PMDB 82 9. The Brazilian party system is been consolidating with a mixture of Latin-American parties populism and multipartism and European parties centrist, social-democratic and catch-all ; this set has been reinforced by the socioeconomic policies initiated by Fernando Henrique Cardoso during and after the Plano Real In the next chapter we will argue that the consolidation of the Portuguese and Brazilian party systems is highly-dependent on social policies; although those policies serve to implement long-term socioeconomic objectives they have been used by parties as shortterm political gains, which promotes their catch-all nature and allows them to survive within State or by transforming themselves as dominating parties.

While at war the British government approved a law that showed the victory of the Keynesian model of State. As Schumpeter argued a few years ago in Tax State politicians controlled inflationary policies which asked for a more responsible actions while in government. Compare all 6 new copies.

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O adiamento da fecundidade em Portugal Portuguese fertility transition and the multiple response system. A ilha da Madeira. Sisto Quaranta e la memoria del Quadraro. L'approccio qualitativo per la comprensione e l'interpretazione del reale. School architecture: an analysis of the role of the state in the re configuration of the profession. Designing science laboratories: learning environments, school architecture and teaching and learning models. The impact of polytechnic institutes on the local economy.

Wavering between hope and disenchantment: the case of early school leaving in Portugal. Educational policies, territories and actors strategies. A literacia quantitativa no quotidiano. The positions mainstream left parties adopt on immigration: a cross-cutting cleavage? Mainstream party strategies towards extreme right parties: the French and Presidential Elections. The impact of extreme-right parties on immigration policy in Italy and France in the early s. The effectiveness of french immigration policy under president Nicolas Sarkozy.

The end of a strategic opening? The BNP's window of opportunity in the s and its closure in the s. British and French policies towards high-skilled immigration during the s: policy outplays politics or politics trumps policy? Trends and dilemmas facing environmental education in Portugal: from environmental problem assessment to citizenship involvement. The role of non-scholar organisations in environmental education: a case study from Portugal.

A study protocol to evaluate the relationship between outdoor air pollution and pregnancy outcomes. Who's afraid of Local Agenda 21? Top-down and bottom-up perspectives on local sustainability. Emigrating peasants and returning emigrants: emigration with return in a Portuguese village. Regresso de emigrantes e desenvolvimento regional en Portugal. Social work in the web of social protection: contexts and alternatives. The contribution of the intervention in social networks and community social work at the local level to social and human development.

Satisfying needs and expectations of terminal cancer patients: organizational challenges to social workers. Community radio stations sustainability model: an open-source solution. Media and generations in Portugal. Fandubbing em Portugal: um estudo de caso sobre cultura participativa em rede. The European electoral manifestos a preliminary analysis of the main competition dimensions. An Ever-Shadowed Past? The media as a window on the past? The impact of television and newspaper consumption on knowledge of the democratic transition in Portugal.

The Portuguese media system and the normative roles of the media: a comparative view. Campaign Individualisation before and after the Bailout: a comparison between Greece and Portugal. Which Europe do the portuguese parties want?